Whiteside Cup 2010 - Leaving Certificate Research Study Topic, Rebekah Dore

The Obtainment of Truth through Disillusionment:
The Formation of the PDs.

The 1980s represented a time of uncertainty in Ireland. With an ever looming depression due to the unavoidable recession, an undoubting sense of terror as violence in Northern Ireland soared, immeasurable numbers of people emigrating and finally disillusionment within political parties, something had to be done. This came in the answered prayer of the newly formed party, the Progressive Democrats.
It was the Troubles in the North which had been slowly and steadily sending shivers down the spines of people, which was proving to be the ultimate challenge facing the government at the time. The death toll was rising regardless of the pleas of politicians and communities alike. The years before the PD’s formation had been an on-going popularity contest between two transposing parties, with both Fianna Fail (FF) and Fine Gael (FG) trying to find effective, innovative and appealing measures to counteract the social downturn and to bring ease to the tense population. The 70s passed amidst the colourful campaigns and never fading smiles of these two resilient parties. This led to the FF’s landslide victory in ’77 (50%, 84 seats) which ended in ’82 seeing the FG / Labour coalition assume power under Garret FitzGerald. At this time Desmond O’Malley was Minister for Industry & Commerce. Charles Haughey had taken the position of FF leader in ’79. He had been a prominent politician within the Dail with his political astuteness and strove to ‘promise the Sun, Moon & Stars to everyone’, arguably leading to disillusionment within FF. Many did not out, as ‘a trenchant view was taken’ of this. ‘You almost had to become a political zombie and follow the leadership. Expressing your point of view was possibly discouraged and you were penalised if you took a view that was different.’

Between 1982 and 1983 there were three attempts to overthrow Haughey. The first involved Lynch’s date of resignation. In order to thwart Haughey, Lynch was persuaded to bring the date forward. ‘He was planning to retire the following January … George( Colley) subsequently asked me if Jack would be prepared to pull back his retirement date to December, so as to wrong foot Haughey.’ This proved unsuccessful. Charlie McCreevy’s decision to put forward the motion of No Confidence in 1982 sent shockwaves through the Dail. O’Malley and several other ministers ‘were furious’ as ‘People thought he was mad, these were things you didn’t do ‘ especially as everyone’s permission was not sought. Ashe remained in opposition to Haughey, O’Malley resigned. Along with Martin O’Donoghue (Education), he joined George Colley to lead another heave. It failed along with McCreevy’s motion (58 / 22). Haughey’s victory was masked by the ‘Club of 22’ reaction. A group ‘of people who were very disillusioned with Haughey, 22 who had the guts to stand up and be publically named.’ The final attempt presented itself with FG / Labour phone tapping allegations. Believing Haughey would resign, on the 7th February ’83, Ben Briscoe, seconded by Colley, crucially requested his resignation. Haughey was victorious yet again (40 / 33).

Haughey retaliated. He ordered the removal of the whip, after O’Malley criticised Haughey’s actions in relation to Fitzgerald’s Forum for A New Ireland. Consequently, O’Malley became increasingly isolated within FF. O’Malley’s decision to refuse to vote against the family planning laws in February ’85 saw Haughey’s ultimatum of expulsion resulting in O’Malley’s call to Upper Mount Street on the 26th February to stand for the 91 representatives of the National Executive. An open roll call vote prompted O’Malley to state in his 10 minutes that ‘It was hard to defend yourself when you didn’t know what you were being accused of.’ As Haughey was the chief persecutor and presided over the Executive, the representatives ‘were terrified to openly vote against him’. O’Malley was expelled by 73 votes to 9. With O’Malley’s expulsion many pondered the idea of leaving. One was a Fine Gael TD, Michael McDowell. He was Taoiseach’s disillusioned chairman of constituency organisation who illuminated the waste of ‘half-hearted implementations’ with a ‘government divided along ideological lines.’ He proved to be #a highly influential partner … with huge energy … and who was always fair.’ Others who proved valuable were Pearse Wyse who ‘was respective of the working class giving us that appealing link.’, Bobby Molloy, and finally the Minister who provided that catalytic motivation for O’Malley, Mary Harney. She had become very disillusioned when Haughey took over and felt that there were ‘a lot of decent people put down.’ She grew tired of the atmosphere and mistreatment within the party and after time away in America she ‘felt so strongly that this was the right thing to do’ (go against Haughey). ‘I thought it through and decided I’m not putting up with another few years of this.’ The pinnacle moment involved her decision to vote for the Anglo-Irish Agreement on the 27th November 1985. She was expelled. ‘The next issue I wasn’t satisfied with I would leave … The Anglo-Irish Agreement happened to be … the defining corner.’

Harney kept at O’Malley with the idea of forming a new party. O’Malley felt he ‘wasn’t sufficiently experienced or sufficiently suspicious’ although it began to grow on him as people vouched their support for a new party. Having ‘tapped into a huge mood of disillusionment in the political system which had been established’ they wished for a party which supported ‘common sense, middle of the road, liberal ideas towards social issues to go against the despair, worry and lack of hope felt.’ Meetings were held in the residences of the members. Concerning those who wished to join the PDs ‘frankly there were a few I didn’t want to join … which caused friction.’ ‘The majority of people who joined had never been in politics before … There were five existing deputies, drawing the party with a number of senators.’ The past was left at the door and all previous issues between members seemed irrelevant to the cause, ‘we didn’t see each other as Fianna Fail or fine Gael. We weren’t looking back, we were constantly looking forward.’

The name of the party set the foundation for what the party represented with a few being thrown against the wall – National Party, Democratic Radical Party etc. The Progressive Democrats was the final decision. In relation to the PD policy O’Malley wished for ‘bringing the level of taxation down to a level that would ensure people felt it worth their while to work … allowing sufficient awards … create a spirit of enterprise and entrepreneurship … to try to cut down on expenditure … and to broaden horizons.’ For many the party ‘brought me into a political home where I was happy … and I could put forward in an honest fashion … you weren’t penalised if you didn’t tow the party line.’ They went about this by ‘ looking at anything from top to bottom, just looking at education, health, taxes, economic spending, to come up with a policy for everyone.’ The party was launched on the 21st December 1985 with undoubted success. The results were formidable with over 4,000 enrolled as members (from Cork, Limerick, Galway etc) and £25,000 contributed by public subscriptions. The media did not know what to say although ‘they always like challengers, they like the controversy. There was extensive coverage.’ The public was captivated by their party image. Their numerous slogans shone brightly in aid of the people, ‘It’s not Des O’Malley’s party, and it’s not Des O’Malley’s country. It’s your party and your country’ in contrast with the banners of the ever staring eyes of Charles Haughey. The PDs wished to show the country ‘a new political force’, one ‘that wasn’t a one man show.’ What did Haughey and the fellow ministers think of this ? The PDs were abruptly requested to give up their seats in the Dail as there ‘was a lot of bitterness with the former colleagues.’ Haughey stated that the PDs were ‘not of national interest’ which was not the opinion that was portrayed by many. He was furious to see the reaction of the public towards the ideologies of the newly formed party, and this was no more so when they received 14 seats in their first election, when ‘5 seats would have been an achievement.’ This forced Haughey to rethink things as he was ‘very unhappy to do things deemed unpopular.’ The PDs went on to continuously vouch for tax reforms and to provide a sense of well deserved relief to a strained economy.

The Progressive Democrats were the result of misgovernment and disillusionment. Opposition within the parties led to inevitable and permanent division, but if one is to sit back and do nothing, how could change be made. Desmond O’Malley, Mary Harney and Michael McDowell stood up, took the bullet, risked everything and through commendable hardships and considerable pressure, created a party which would cease to exist before abandoning their priority. Their people.

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